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The internationalization of China, and of its companies in particular, is one of the most important phenomena of the beginning of the twenty-first century.
Chinese President Xi Jinping offered a sweeping and ambitious vision at the 19th Party Congress for not just China but all of the world that could have far-reaching impacts on global governance, trade, and security.
China’s growth miracle has already run out of steam. It is only by allowing debt to surge that the country is able to meet its GDP targets.
Given the importance of artificial intelligence (AI) in the coming years, India must keep a wary eye on Chinese developments in this field, and develop its own strategic vision of how AI technologies can be harnessed to advance its interests.
The rise of China and the turbulence in U.S. domestic politics have created great disorder, but they have also opened up room for creative Indian diplomacy in Asia.
The risk of an inadvertent nuclear war is rising because of the entanglement of non-nuclear weapons with nuclear weapons and their command-and-control capabilities.
The gap between the Chinese and U.S. views on North Korea is too deep and fundamental, and any illusion it can be bridged in a relatively short period of time will only set the two powers on a path to collision with each other.
Dialogue in various formats—bilateral, trilateral, and multilateral—will not eliminate some fundamentally conflicting views and the misalignment of perceived national interests among China, Japan, and the United States, but it can help to reduce the risk and the cost of ill-advised defense investments.
If President Donald Trump wants to make his upcoming Beijing summit meeting with President Xi Jinping successful, it is time to take a step back and reflect on his overall approach to solicit China’s cooperation.
This book identifies how Asia’s major powers have developed military strategies to address their most significant challenges.
The future of the U.S.-China relationship depends largely on the relationship between presidents Xi Jinping and Donald Trump and attitudes in their respective countries.
To counter China’s increasingly assertive foreign policy, the United States must maintain its leadership role in the Asia Pacific.
The potential for the United States and China to have conflict over trade and foreign investment is now greater, not because of differences in political systems and cultural norms, but because of commonalities in Trump’s and Xi’s personal aspirations.
The 19th Party Congress holds particular consequence for U.S.-China relations. President Trump will make his inaugural visit to the Asia-Pacific region and to China early next month, becoming among the first world leaders to meet with Xi under his new mandate.
At the 19th Party Congress, Xi Jinping explained how China will move to the center to the world stage through modernization. Yet how Xi defines the roles of the state and the market remains unclear.
China has a unique economy where both state and market play an important role. Western observers often misunderstand issues such as China’s growth model, debt problems, and potential housing bubbles.
Comparing Xi Jinping’s report at the 19th Party Congress to earlier such documents provides an excellent indicator of continuities and recent changes in Chinese foreign policy.
As Europe becomes a preferred playing field for Chinese foreign direct investment, leaders of bloc nations have been drawn into a debate on the creation of a long-anticipated screening mechanism.
The upcoming 19th Party Congress and top political appointments will determine what course China will take in the future under President Xi Jinping’s leadership.
It is imperative that the United States not abandon international development out of the mistaken sense that it is removed from America’s core economic, political, and security interests.