Europe can pursue a more interests-based and assertive engagement with both China and India that finds the right mix of realism and self-confidence to make the most of its comparative advantages.
China’s performance at the 2012 London Olympics is indicative of its status as a rising power.
Washington needs to protect its position of impartiality in the South China Sea and avoid singling out Chinese behavior for criticism.
With global demand seemingly in free fall, will the United States and China turn to foreign direct investment as a possible cushion?
If a solution to the Syria problem is not found soon, not only will Syria descend into wholesale carnage, but the prospects for future conflict management in the world will become much bleaker.
Fundamental differences in U.S. and Chinese views of regional security could increase the likelihood of crises in the Asia-Pacific.
China is a rising power that must define its identity as a global player and balance its domestic needs against those of an increasingly multipolar world.
China should follow its own offshore oil exploration model, offering international players access to its domestic shale gas market in return for cutting-edge technology.
While the Trans-Pacific Partnership should be recognized and applauded for what it will be, it is problematic that the partnership does not include China, the world’s second-largest economy and largest exporter and manufacturer.
As India comes to play a more vocal role in South and East Asia, China must adapt and account for the diplomatic interests of this new regional player.
The UN Security Council report published last week documents North Korea's efforts in setting up a large-scale uranium enrichment plant after sanctions were first imposed five years ago.
The driving force behind the U.S. deficits and China’s surpluses lies not in exchange rates but in structural factors that built up over time.
Nearly ten years after the question of Iran’s nuclear ambitions became an international issue, little progress has been made in settling it.
In case of unobstructed civil war in Syria, the division between Russian and U.S. policies toward Syria will most probably deepen, and the choices of these two countries will have serious international implications, including stronger Russia-China cooperation to counter U.S. foreign policies.
A flexible relationship, rather than an alliance, may better suit Russia and China despite their many shared interests.
Southeast Asia should guard against a potentially dangerous spillover from the Eurozone crisis by trimming sovereign debt and reigning in spending.
China must be able to collect accurate data and maintain a stable carbon price if its new pilot program for emissions-trading can be deemed a success.
Southeast Asia is often viewed as a dynamic region, home to several of Asia’s tiger economies. But look a bit closer, and the region is replete with internal tensions—some between countries, but most within countries. April’s events in the region are illustrative of so many of these tensions. In every case, they reflect deep fault lines that have existed for many years.
U.S.-China distrust may not be rooted in misunderstanding, but rather in fundamental disagreements over political institutions, value systems, and geostrategic interests.
Chinese National Oil Companies, while owned by the government, increasingly base investment decisions on market signals rather than state orders. Their efforts to access oil and gas resources are helping to meet the challenge of high petroleum consumption levels.