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Contrasting political systems and cultural norms have always made it difficult for China and the United States to work together. Ironically, with Presidents Trump and Xi, the potential for conflict is now greater not because of these differences but because of commonalities in their aspirations.
U.S.-China relations are at a crossroads as the two countries’ leaders assert each nation’s place as a global leader, but new opportunities for productive engagement may replace growing strategic competition.
With time and the need to accumulate achievements, policy issues will depend less on personalities, though the president’s personality will remain important, than on working with enduring realities.
China’s place in the East Asian production chain distorts trade data to make it seem like the country responsible for the U.S. trade deficit. This is not the case.
The likelihood of North Korean nuclear and missile tests over the next six months is fairly high if the Trump administration continues the Obama administration’s unsuccessful approach of “strategic patience.”
As China continues to grow, reform, invest abroad, and integrate with the global financial system, it is almost inevitable that one day the RMB will rival the U.S. dollar and the Euro as a global reserve currency. But that day is still far away.
For its own security and global stability, China should play a positive leadership role and adhere to a cool-headed, prudent, and well-thought-out nuclear policy.
Despite India’s insistence that it shares a political bond with China, the global interests of the two countries are actually very different.
A wise course of policy for the United States, China, and Taiwan would be to focus on what can be done to maintain the high quality status quo than challenge the fundamental values of each other.
Singles’ Day and its staggering sales numbers stand out not just in economic terms but as an expression of China’s emerging urban culture.
China will be incentivized to adopt a growing leadership role in international trade and climate change negotiations in 2017 if the United States pursues more inward-looking policies under Trump.
As a rising China challenges American primacy in Asia, navigating between Beijing and Washington is a major strategic challenge for India.
Both China and Russia are led by leaders acting out of the national interest, which should mean that even if President Xi or President Putin will not be able to resolve their differences with President Trump, they will at least speak the same language.
China should not be destabilized by President-elect Trump’s threats of an arms race. Instead, it needs to prioritize its own goal of increasing its retaliatory capability through weapon modernization.
Dealing with China’s rise requires strategic coherence, and the best way to adapt to China’s new activism is to mount a stronger offense, not play perpetual defense.
As the Trump administration takes shape and prepares to take office, advice will pour in on how to manage security, trade, and economic relations with China, including how to deal with Taiwan. Striking the right tone would be a great start.
The pursuit of a stable U.S.-China balance and greater economic integration in East Asia is an approach better suited to what the U.S. economy can sustain over the long run and strikes a better balance between external security interests, international responsibilities, and domestic requirements.
President-elect Donald Trump should understand the larger meaning of current efforts to move incrementally toward Taiwan independence and reject those efforts as the threat to core U.S. interests they represent.
President-elect Trump’s phone call with Tsai Ing-wen raises questions about how the new administration will approach China and issues impacting the Asia-Pacific region.
The Donald Trump administration is beginning to take shape, but still has a long way to go in identifying personnel and defining policy goals, particularly in Asia.