For its own security and global stability, China should play a positive leadership role and adhere to a cool-headed, prudent, and well-thought-out nuclear policy.
Despite India’s insistence that it shares a political bond with China, the global interests of the two countries are actually very different.
A wise course of policy for the United States, China, and Taiwan would be to focus on what can be done to maintain the high quality status quo than challenge the fundamental values of each other.
Singles’ Day and its staggering sales numbers stand out not just in economic terms but as an expression of China’s emerging urban culture.
China will be incentivized to adopt a growing leadership role in international trade and climate change negotiations in 2017 if the United States pursues more inward-looking policies under Trump.
As a rising China challenges American primacy in Asia, navigating between Beijing and Washington is a major strategic challenge for India.
Both China and Russia are led by leaders acting out of the national interest, which should mean that even if President Xi or President Putin will not be able to resolve their differences with President Trump, they will at least speak the same language.
China should not be destabilized by President-elect Trump’s threats of an arms race. Instead, it needs to prioritize its own goal of increasing its retaliatory capability through weapon modernization.
Dealing with China’s rise requires strategic coherence, and the best way to adapt to China’s new activism is to mount a stronger offense, not play perpetual defense.
As the Trump administration takes shape and prepares to take office, advice will pour in on how to manage security, trade, and economic relations with China, including how to deal with Taiwan. Striking the right tone would be a great start.
The pursuit of a stable U.S.-China balance and greater economic integration in East Asia is an approach better suited to what the U.S. economy can sustain over the long run and strikes a better balance between external security interests, international responsibilities, and domestic requirements.
President-elect Donald Trump should understand the larger meaning of current efforts to move incrementally toward Taiwan independence and reject those efforts as the threat to core U.S. interests they represent.
President-elect Trump’s phone call with Tsai Ing-wen raises questions about how the new administration will approach China and issues impacting the Asia-Pacific region.
The Donald Trump administration is beginning to take shape, but still has a long way to go in identifying personnel and defining policy goals, particularly in Asia.
A meaningful change in China-Latin America relations requires inducing development and sustainable economic ties between the two players, notably through standardized protocols.
Donald Trump could have an opportunity early in his presidency to prove his negotiating skills on a serious national-security challenge the United States will confront over the next four years.
Latin America-China relations will change following the commodity bust in the region, but China will need to apply lessons learned in the region to other overseas development initiatives.
It can be tempting to overgeneralize about patterns in China’s economic development—even for scholars who acknowledge the country’s great diversity.
There is no direct link between the emergence of American deficits and China’s surpluses. Moreover, there is little evidence that an undervalued yuan played a major role in driving China’s surpluses.
Trump’s election is an opportunity for the United States and China to construct an explicitly cooperative agenda.