Chinese and Russian leaders won’t always agree, but their deepening cooperation and mistrust of the U.S. is here to stay. Unfortunately, American leaders have shown few signs that they know how to navigate this new reality, let alone manage the competition among great powers as non-Western countries grown in stature.
China’s increasingly sophisticated approach to managing and mitigating multiple forms of investment risk shows that its economic role around the world will evolve and perhaps become more conservative over time. Headline pledges of billions of dollars in project finance don’t tell the whole story.
Washington and Pyongyang will eventually need to resume direct talks. With neither party ready for that yet, at first secret contacts will have to be organized in third countries. In the meantime, de-escalation is the order of the day, and Russia one of its unlikely brokers.
The United States needs a proactive and smart strategy to address the imbalances and asymmetries in its economic and trade relationships with China.
India is increasingly seeking partnerships with like-minded countries with similar foreign policy goals, looking beyond the scope of South Asia to counter China’s looming influence in the region.
The risks of a military conflict with North Korea is growing day by day. Not talking has not slowed North Korea’s advance, and sanctions alone will not achieve the desired result.
It has repeatedly been shown that the main source of U.S. policy instability is President Trump. Chinese leaders should work prudently and constructively with people around the administration.
Daniel Drezner’s book Ideas Industry should be read as a call to thoughtful action.
As tensions rise between North Korea and the United States, the European Union has strongly condemned and implemented new sanctions on Pyongyang. Yet Europeans are divided over North Korea’s threats and the United States’ unpredictable responses.
China’s development of strategic technologies is increasingly drawing attention from its economic partners. Observers and non-Chinese firms need to understand that China’s interest in strategic technologies has long been a central part of the Chinese policy landscape.
Denuclearization of the North will not be possible to achieve, if it is possible to achieve at all, unless there is a transformational change in North Korea’s relationships with the United States and South Korea.
The primary interest dictating Chinese policy is the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, which serves as the new principle guiding the relationship between China and the international community.
President Trump has promised to bring jobs and manufacturing back to the United States but his economics policies are in line with those of previous administrations.
Thoughtful and respectful leadership, close consultation with affected parties, and a commitment of real resources to assemble necessary leverage present a better chance than anything on offer so far.
Political sensitivities, security concerns, and industrial structure direct the flow of investments.
Reducing America’s persistent trade deficits with China will require addressing thorny structural issues. In the short term, the focus should be on investment-related concerns.
Meetings between senior U.S. and Chinese officials have exposed the widening expectations gap between the two governments, leading President Trump to take action.
It’s not enough to ask China to pressure Pyongyang to set up a U.S.-North Korea negotiation. China has to be a central part of the negotiation, too.
It is not enough for China and Russia to work to reduce US dominance in “the grand Eurasian chessboard.” They have to work on a new continental order that other countries, not just the two of them, would find an improvement over the current situation.
Panama's decision to establish ties with China heightens risks of diplomatic isolation for Taiwan, but the future of cross-Strait relations highly depends on the upcoming 19th Party Congress.