China is criticized for becoming more assertive, aggressive, and bullying, but in reality it should be seen as too reactive.
U.S. diplomatic efforts are better expended on disincentivizing North Korea from selling nuclear materials and know-how than pointless denuclearization efforts.
Beijing recently carried out its second test of an interceptor missile, but that does not mean China has decided to build a national missile defense system.
China’s quest for natural resources is pushing it into close relationships with questionable regimes around the world.
The fundamentals of U.S. policy toward Asia will stay the same in the second Obama term, but Washington and Beijing should still work to overcome their mutual distrust.
As the Russians recognize that the current Syrian regime is likely to be overwhelmed by its opponents, there is a chance that Moscow and the West could finally reconcile their positions on Syria.
China must redefine key facets of its traditional culture in order to have an effective soft power strategy and greater global influence.
Leadership transitions in China and the United States, combined with mounting tensions in the bilateral relationship, could have far-reaching consequences for both countries.
If the U.S. presidential candidates' rhetoric toward China remains negative, it could erode the public support needed to maintain long-term cooperation between Washington and Beijing.
Japan and China should defuse tensions over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea.
South Korea’s president wants to develop longer-range missiles to protect his country against the North Korean threat. But he may end up fueling more regional instability.
Declining fisheries and a race for energy resources are fueling the flames of Asia’s maritime disputes. Outsiders can help with concrete diplomatic initiatives.
Five issues are of critical importance for maintaining the dynamics of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in the near to medium future.
Europe can pursue a more interests-based and assertive engagement with both China and India that finds the right mix of realism and self-confidence to make the most of its comparative advantages.
Washington needs to protect its position of impartiality in the South China Sea and avoid singling out Chinese behavior for criticism.
While the Trans-Pacific Partnership should be recognized and applauded for what it will be, it is problematic that the partnership does not include China, the world’s second-largest economy and largest exporter and manufacturer.
As India comes to play a more vocal role in South and East Asia, China must adapt and account for the diplomatic interests of this new regional player.
Southeast Asia is often viewed as a dynamic region, home to several of Asia’s tiger economies. But look a bit closer, and the region is replete with internal tensions—some between countries, but most within countries. April’s events in the region are illustrative of so many of these tensions. In every case, they reflect deep fault lines that have existed for many years.
Mitt Romney's tough talk on China conceals some assumptions that, if translated into policy, could set the two great powers on a collision course.
As globalization continues to accelerate, a rising China will exert greater influence on the world.