China’s economy faces uncertainty and choppy waters in the years ahead, a trend that the trade conflict with the United States seems likely to deepen.
The CIDCA’s highly ambitious agenda is a clear sign that, after years of considerable growth in China’s development finance, the underlying bureaucratic system is now beginning to mature. Yet key questions remain unanswered.
The narrative that China is engaging in problematic debt trap diplomacy has taken off. But for Sri Lanka and most of China’s other Belt and Road Initiative partners, it is important to understand the history and politics of their relations with Beijing and project selection.
The China International Development Cooperation Agency has been tasked with lofty goals, but near-term expectations must be tempered by lingering questions about how it fits into the country’s existing foreign aid bureaucracy.
By establishing structural transformation as the China International Development Cooperation Agency’s core objective, Beijing will have an opportunity to take a leadership role in advancing the international development agenda.
The China International Development Cooperation Agency could help China coordinate its aid portfolio more efficiently. But it is more difficult to say whether the new agency will make Chinese aid disbursement and procurement decisionmaking more transparent.
The Taiwan Strait is not at immediate risk of a crisis, but a changing status quo and diminishing trust between Beijing, Taipei, and Washington signal possible trouble ahead.
The international community views the Belt and Road through a zero-sum lens. To succeed, Beijing should focus on its domestic aspirations, international responsibilities, and nonmonetary investments.
Chinese President Xi Jinping offered a sweeping and ambitious vision at the 19th Party Congress for not just China but all of the world that could have far-reaching impacts on global governance, trade, and security.
To counter China’s increasingly assertive foreign policy, the United States must maintain its leadership role in the Asia Pacific.
Comparing Xi Jinping’s report at the 19th Party Congress to earlier such documents provides an excellent indicator of continuities and recent changes in Chinese foreign policy.
Beijing’s role and response to the current economic crisis engulfing Venezuela needs to be further examined, particularly in light of China’s loans-for-oil relationship with the developing nation.
European countries are increasingly more receptive to the Belt and Road Initiative and Chinese investment, but concerns remain over how competition from Chinese firms will impact developed European economies.
Donald Trump’s unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election has raised profound questions about how the United States and other members of the international community will approach global governance amid a host of transnational challenges.
At a time of critical readjustment, the U.S. and Chinese governments need to establish a solid foundation for the stable development of their bilateral relationship.
Buddhism has become part of a broader soft power rivalry between China and India for greater influence in Asia.
Trump needs to look beyond illusory bargains with Russia and China and instead develop clear-eyed frameworks to manage bilateral disagreements and make progress on common policy objectives based on U.S. national security interests.
The new administration should think carefully before moving forward with recent proposals about China and the U.S. role in Asia.
President-elect Trump will most likely be the single most important source of tensions—and potentially conflicts—between Beijing and Washington in the next four years.
Rather than fall into despondency, Europeans should see the presidency of Donald Trump as a salutary shock. Finally there is real urgency for Europe to get its act together.