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The world’s two largest economies are locked in competition. What drives their different narratives, and how should they avoid a larger confrontation?
Russia and China’s strategic military cooperation is becoming ever closer. President Putin has announced that Russia is helping China build an early warning system to spot intercontinental ballistic missile launches.
Japan and South Korea appear poised to let thorny political disagreements torpedo intelligence swapping on North Korea’s nukes and missiles. That would leave both countries and the United States all worse off and have broader regional security implications.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are meeting on October 11, 2019. The summit in Mamallapuram, India, is a chance to work through the recent strains in the two countries’ relationship.
China has three basic paths towards strengthening its nuclear retaliatory capability: It can strengthen the survivability of its nuclear weapons, increase their numbers, or strengthen the capability of each warhead to penetrate missile defense systems.
China’s economy faces uncertainty and choppy waters in the years ahead, a trend that the trade conflict with the United States seems likely to deepen.
Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the relationship between the two superpowers has been transformed.
How has Beijing’s approach to multilateral institutions evolved in the seventy years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China?
Historically, China has forged its own distinctive foreign aid practices. In March 2018, Beijing established the China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA) to integrate and streamline its development aid programs.
The CIDCA’s highly ambitious agenda is a clear sign that, after years of considerable growth in China’s development finance, the underlying bureaucratic system is now beginning to mature. Yet key questions remain unanswered.