As the Trump administration takes shape and prepares to take office, advice will pour in on how to manage security, trade, and economic relations with China, including how to deal with Taiwan. Striking the right tone would be a great start.
The pursuit of a stable U.S.-China balance and greater economic integration in East Asia is an approach better suited to what the U.S. economy can sustain over the long run and strikes a better balance between external security interests, international responsibilities, and domestic requirements.
President-elect Donald Trump should understand the larger meaning of current efforts to move incrementally toward Taiwan independence and reject those efforts as the threat to core U.S. interests they represent.
Whether the growing size and global interdependence of China’s economy is translating into greater Chinese geopolitical influence is one of the most important questions of the twenty-first century.
President-elect Trump’s phone call with Tsai Ing-wen raises questions about how the new administration will approach China and issues impacting the Asia-Pacific region.
The Donald Trump administration is beginning to take shape, but still has a long way to go in identifying personnel and defining policy goals, particularly in Asia.
A meaningful change in China-Latin America relations requires inducing development and sustainable economic ties between the two players, notably through standardized protocols.
Donald Trump could have an opportunity early in his presidency to prove his negotiating skills on a serious national-security challenge the United States will confront over the next four years.
Latin America-China relations will change following the commodity bust in the region, but China will need to apply lessons learned in the region to other overseas development initiatives.
The prospects for the Trans-Pacific Partnership look dim in the face of a Trump administration, which may open opportunities for China to take the lead in the Pacific region.
It can be tempting to overgeneralize about patterns in China’s economic development—even for scholars who acknowledge the country’s great diversity.
There is no direct link between the emergence of American deficits and China’s surpluses. Moreover, there is little evidence that an undervalued yuan played a major role in driving China’s surpluses.
Trump’s election is an opportunity for the United States and China to construct an explicitly cooperative agenda.
China supports Trump’s electoral win, but the political rhetoric surrounding tariffs on Chinese imports will not serve either countries’ interests if enacted.
Beijing believes President-elect Trump will be more isolationist, but recent announcements from the incoming administration indicate otherwise, which could lead to a dangerous misalignment of expectations.
Donald Trump’s surprise victory in the U.S. presidential election is a potential threat to China’s economic growth, but also an opportunity for Beijing to increase its influence over its neighbors.
The world reacts to the election of Donald Trump and its potential implications.
China’s One Belt, One Road project aims to allow Beijing to influence the rules governing the global economy. That is a challenge to which Europeans need to respond.
The next U.S. administration is inheriting a complicated relationship with China, but steps can be taken to reduce tensions and the risk of conflict.
Critical differences between Chinese and U.S. thinking about nuclear weapons and deterrence result not merely from differing security environments and levels of military strength; they also exist because China and the United States have developed their own nuclear philosophies in implementing their security policies over many years.