The United States has been losing its status as the world’s sole superpower since the end of the Cold War, while China has gradually increased its relative power. This re-balancing is beginning to have a profound impact on the international system and the way it is governed.
After a year that included the Arab Awakening, the euro crisis, Japan’s nuclear catastrophe, the killing of Osama bin Laden, and the unanticipated reaction to Russia’s recent parliamentary elections, there are many unanswered questions left for 2012.
The death of North Korean dictator Kim Jung Il increases the likelihood that the stress on the multiple fault lines in Korean society will reach the point of breaking. Secret talks with China to plan for contingencies may be needed now more than ever.
The execution of America’s strategic 'pivot' to Asia, and China's response, are combining to deepen mutual suspicions and potentially destabilize the entire area.
Europeans should recognize that Washington’s increased engagement in the Asia-Pacific is also in Europe’s best interests and work to develop its own strategic approach toward the region.
With China’s growing influence over the global economy, and its increasing ability to project military power, competition between the United States and China may be inevitable but military clashes remain unlikely.
China's future role in the international community is hotly debated both inside and outside the country. It remains to be seen how China's growing public power might affect the government's foreign policy.
Having benefited from the euro at the expense of nations such as Greece, Spain, and Portugal, Germany now has the opportunity to take responsibility for the survival of the Eurozone by sacrificing its current account surplus and allowing debt-laden countries to resume growth.
While President Obama will use his ten day trip to the Asia-Pacific to demonstrate that the United States is serious about its involvement in the region, his substantive agenda appears thin and may disappoint those with high expectations.
As Washington and Beijing continue to build on decades of successful strategic nuclear discussions, the U.S. military must find a way to promote a more effective dialogue with China’s military.
Blaming the undervalued Chinese renminbi for America's economic ills is convenient but counterproductive, given the complicated causes of U.S. trade imbalances.
The balance in Sino-Russian economic relations has shifted heavily in favor of the Chinese, and Moscow’s long-term strategy toward China will likely seek to make their relationship more equal.
While Washington shouldn’t alter its general strategy toward Beijing, it should rethink some approaches in order to minimize the chance that the two countries will be drawn into competition for strategic primacy in the Asia-Pacific region.
Far from resolving America's economic woes, targeting China's currency will only result in higher prices for U.S. consumers and reduced global demand.
If economic growth in China—the world’s economic engine—were derailed by a financial, political, social, or international accident, the effect would be much more severe than anything that happens in Greece.
Although tempting in the short run, a sudden influx of foreign capital into the European Union would raise both unemployment and debt without addressing the root of Europe's economic woes.
For the last decade South American exports of mining, agricultural, and energy commodities to China have boomed, leading countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Chile to worry about rising commodity dependency on China.
While assessments of Chinese economic imbalances often rely on flawed statistics that understate consumption and overestimate investment, the country’s share of consumption to GDP will not rise significantly until Beijing increases welfare spending or divests itself of state assets.
The United States must generate more high-value jobs to capitalize on the opportunities presented by a rising China, which is likely to continue to make sustaining double-digit growth a key priority.
As China tries to rebalance its economy, a small but rising number of Chinese economists are beginning to predict sharply lower annual growth rates in the coming years.