India is focused on making Bangladesh a centerpiece of its Act East policy.
Sino-Russian relations do not constitute a new axis of like-minded authoritarian regimes that want to challenge the West by default. But it’s an example of how tactical and opportunistic cooperation of non-Western powers seeking to boost their influence on the international stage comes at expense of the Western-led international order.
Donald Trump’s unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election has raised profound questions about how the United States and other members of the international community will approach global governance amid a host of transnational challenges.
At a time of critical readjustment, the U.S. and Chinese governments need to establish a solid foundation for the stable development of their bilateral relationship.
Trump’s engagement in East Asia has further fueled Russian and Chinese perceptions of the U.S. missile defense system as a threat to their nuclear deterrents.
The more realistic option would be increased information sharing between Moscow and Beijing on THAAD and the US military presence in Northeast Asia, as well as joint exercises like the one held in May 2016.
Bilateral trade balances alone aren’t an accurate reflection of a country’s economic strength.
The challenge before the United States is to manage, without illusions, a difficult and combative relationship with Russia.
As the North Korean atomic crisis gathers momentum, the Trump administration is suggesting that the option of letting the East Asian allies acquire nuclear options is on the table.
Both the United States and China have to recognize the reality, if not the legitimacy, of each other’s fears about North Korea and make concessions that indicate their good faith in eventually moving toward a Korean Peninsula that is united.
The international community has finally started a serious conversation about norms in cyberspace. But reaching a global consensus needs the world’s attention.
There is no clear, internationally accepted definition of what activities or technologies constitute a nuclear weapons program. This lack of definition encumbers nuclear energy cooperation and complicates peaceful resolution of proliferation disputes.
Buddhism has become part of a broader soft power rivalry between China and India for greater influence in Asia.
Trump needs to look beyond illusory bargains with Russia and China and instead develop clear-eyed frameworks to manage bilateral disagreements and make progress on common policy objectives based on U.S. national security interests.
North Korea has nuclear weapons, something that won’t change anytime soon. As bad as this is, recognizing that status in a way that paves the road for South Korea to follow suit would be even worse.
With the July 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action diminishing the near-term prospect of an Iranian nuclear bomb, most proliferation prognosticators would likely pick South Korea, Japan, or perhaps Taiwan as the next place that could opt to develop nuclear weapons.
After five years of consolidating power, Xi Jinping will emerge stronger than ever before. For this year at least, Xi will play the role of global leader, and the world will be better for it.
Both China and the United States need to address shared problems such as moderating rising income disparities, designing effective regulatory systems, and promoting innovation.
The only effective way to create a more stable environment in the maritime areas near China is for the United States to lead a serious diplomatic dialogue with Beijing and other claimants aimed at establishing mutually acceptable restraints, accompanied by strong U.S. and allied deterrence signals.
Chinese experts say that the country is beginning to take a more proactive approach to foreign affairs, and shifting from a focus of integrating into the international system to shaping it.