Critical differences between Chinese and U.S. thinking about nuclear weapons and deterrence result not merely from differing security environments and levels of military strength; they also exist because China and the United States have developed their own nuclear philosophies in implementing their security policies over many years.
The Western Pacific is experiencing a fundamental and potentially destabilizing military and economic power transition driven primarily by China’s economic and military rise and a corresponding relative decline in American power
The time is ripe for Indonesia, India, and Japan to shed their inhibitions and redouble their efforts to strengthen the foundations of Myanmar’s democracy.
China and South Korea should delve deeper into the technical and operational aspects of THAAD to find a cooperative solution.
Even though the Clean Power Plan’s opponents will present the battle against climate change as one we cannot afford to fight, in reality it is one we cannot afford to lose.
The “turn to the East” has dramatically changed Russia’s strategy towards China and many underlying assumptions. It has also dramatically influenced the mainstream analysis of Chinese security intentions in Northeast Asia. The influence of this major shift in national policy, as well as policymakers’ and scholars’ perceptions of China, was felt throughout 2015.
Before India and Pakistan enter the SCO, Russia and China should make an effort to help them prevent future conflicts. Failing to help manage the relationship now carries a serious risk for the entire SCO project started by Beijing and Moscow 15 years ago. So, China and Russia owe it to themselves to begin defusing tensions between their partners.
The debate surrounding the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) deployment exposes a bigger issue: the strategic dilemma facing South Korea and China.
The rapprochement between Beijing and Moscow, marked by the 2014 energy deal, faces several political and economic challenges. If successful, it could transform the balance of power in Asia.
Intensifying strategic competition between India and China does not have to hinder cooperation in economic and social development, as long as both countries make development their ultimate goal.
Venezuela’s political instability is causing China to reevaluate its financial investments in the country, the loss of which would be devastating to the South American nation’s fragile economy.
Moving forward, China by default will gain a greater Asian role.
If China and the UK can reach a trade deal, both sides would have increased leverage over the EU.
Fragile states may seem like a distant and abstract concern. They are not. They are at the center of much of today’s regional disorder and global upheaval.
China should reevaluate its policy toward North Korea rather than retaliate against South Korea if it wants to stop the THAAD missile deployment.
State fragility will remain a central feature of the international landscape for the foreseeable future. The United States’ response, however, can and must evolve.
Chinese and Russians now better understand both the potential and the limitations of their relationship. They need to move ahead on concrete issues, making sure that what is agreed upon at the top actually gets implemented.
U.S. President Barack Obama and Chinese President Xi Jinping must take advantage of their face-to-face meetings at the G20 summit to discuss serious security challenges that their countries face.
The furor over the Philippines v. China arbitration case constitutes a significant development that could influence the prospects for future rivalry or cooperation in the Western Pacific.
India claims it will “look east” in its foreign policy, but it continues to be distracted by the West. Meanwhile, China is becoming a more attractive partner for others in the region.