The only effective way to create a more stable environment in the maritime areas near China is for the United States to lead a serious diplomatic dialogue with Beijing and other claimants aimed at establishing mutually acceptable restraints, accompanied by strong U.S. and allied deterrence signals.
Chinese experts say that the country is beginning to take a more proactive approach to foreign affairs, and shifting from a focus of integrating into the international system to shaping it.
A moral realist approach to China’s rise identifies external and internal challenges for an emerging power competing with a dominant state in the international system.
What can be learned about China’s hypersonic boost-glide weapon program from flight tests, and the implications of the program for the security of the United States and our allies.
Rather than forging an alliance against the third corner of the triangle, China and Russia should join forces in building a new regional system at the time when the global order is in transition.
China’s relationship with Africa is becoming increasingly more complex as the country continues to invest and send workers across 54 countries on the continent.
China might soon start construction of its first big breeder reactor, with questions remaining to answer on plant design, fuel, and the future direction of the country's fast reactor program.
Governments need to adapt traditional concepts and tools of statecraft to the digital age.
While political transitions are always hard, the international landscape today is particularly unforgiving.
North Korea test-fired a missile on the morning of February 12, a primary objective of which was to improve the survivability of its nuclear weapons and missiles. But it also seems that North Korea had other goals in mind when testing this new mobilized solid-fuel missile.
Contrasting political systems and cultural norms have always made it difficult for China and the United States to work together. Ironically, with Presidents Trump and Xi, the potential for conflict is now greater not because of these differences but because of commonalities in their aspirations.
As the nuclear weapon states face increasing international pressure to make new progress on disarmament, signing and ratifying a treaty for a nuclear free zone in the Asia-Pacific should be a top priority.
The new U.S. administration should avoid fueling unrealistic expectations of a breakthrough and instead seek incremental progress on specific topics based on a set of guiding principles.
U.S.-China relations are at a crossroads as the two countries’ leaders assert each nation’s place as a global leader, but new opportunities for productive engagement may replace growing strategic competition.
The new administration should think carefully before moving forward with recent proposals about China and the U.S. role in Asia.
With time and the need to accumulate achievements, policy issues will depend less on personalities, though the president’s personality will remain important, than on working with enduring realities.
President-elect Trump will most likely be the single most important source of tensions—and potentially conflicts—between Beijing and Washington in the next four years.
China’s place in the East Asian production chain distorts trade data to make it seem like the country responsible for the U.S. trade deficit. This is not the case.
Rather than fall into despondency, Europeans should see the presidency of Donald Trump as a salutary shock. Finally there is real urgency for Europe to get its act together.
The likelihood of North Korean nuclear and missile tests over the next six months is fairly high if the Trump administration continues the Obama administration’s unsuccessful approach of “strategic patience.”