Through policy incoherence and not-so-benign neglect, the Trump team risks hollowing out the ideas, initiative, and institutions on which U.S. leadership and international order rest.
International humanitarian law applies only to international and non-international armed conflicts. Most offensive cyber operations to date have not taken place during an armed conflict.
U.S. Vice President Pence’s trip to Asia is intended to signal U.S. strength and resolve in the region.
It remains to be seen whether recent foreign policy pivots by the Trump administration amount to a departure from its earlier views about America’s role in the world.
Russian companies are optimistic that the sale of cheap grain and high-quality sweets will help create a climate of “comprehensive strategic cooperation” with China. However, they face completion in the Chinese market from more familiar food brands from the U.S., Australia and New Zealand.
As North Korea develops an array of missiles that could deliver a nuclear weapon to the continental United States, that further complicates the tension over defending U.S. allies in the region.
The Trump administration should review the policies behind the U.S. trade deficit with China before deciding on a new course of action.
India is focused on making Bangladesh a centerpiece of its Act East policy.
Sino-Russian relations do not constitute a new axis of like-minded authoritarian regimes that want to challenge the West by default. But it’s an example of how tactical and opportunistic cooperation of non-Western powers seeking to boost their influence on the international stage comes at expense of the Western-led international order.
Donald Trump’s unexpected victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election has raised profound questions about how the United States and other members of the international community will approach global governance amid a host of transnational challenges.
At a time of critical readjustment, the U.S. and Chinese governments need to establish a solid foundation for the stable development of their bilateral relationship.
Trump’s engagement in East Asia has further fueled Russian and Chinese perceptions of the U.S. missile defense system as a threat to their nuclear deterrents.
The more realistic option would be increased information sharing between Moscow and Beijing on THAAD and the US military presence in Northeast Asia, as well as joint exercises like the one held in May 2016.
Bilateral trade balances alone aren’t an accurate reflection of a country’s economic strength.
The challenge before the United States is to manage, without illusions, a difficult and combative relationship with Russia.
As the North Korean atomic crisis gathers momentum, the Trump administration is suggesting that the option of letting the East Asian allies acquire nuclear options is on the table.
Both the United States and China have to recognize the reality, if not the legitimacy, of each other’s fears about North Korea and make concessions that indicate their good faith in eventually moving toward a Korean Peninsula that is united.
The international community has finally started a serious conversation about norms in cyberspace. But reaching a global consensus needs the world’s attention.
There is no clear, internationally accepted definition of what activities or technologies constitute a nuclear weapons program. This lack of definition encumbers nuclear energy cooperation and complicates peaceful resolution of proliferation disputes.
Buddhism has become part of a broader soft power rivalry between China and India for greater influence in Asia.