For China to become a superpower like the United States, Beijing needs a new strategy that fully embraces genuine alliances, and not just so-called “strategic partnerships.”
Xi Jinping’s visit to the UK is expected to advance a new round of economic and political cooperation, ushering in a “golden age” of bilateral engagement.
More cultural exchanges between U.S. and Chinese academics and young people can help enhance constructive relations between the two countries.
Beijing should approach its energy-centered partnership with Moscow in Central Asia with a degree of caution.
If Obama and Xi can enhance coordination of U.S. and Chinese economic and energy policies, it could help bolster market confidence and improve the prospects of the Paris Climate Change Conference.
At the upcoming summit, Xi Jinping and Barack Obama will likely continue to emphasize areas of common interest and responsibly manage areas of disagreement.
The U.S.-China relationship involves both cooperation and competition, but because of the new global changes to the relationship, more must be done to balance these two dimensions.
Deeper economic and political cooperation between China, the UK, and the EU appears likely if diplomatic pitfalls can be avoided.
The United States is unlikely to accept a ban on hypersonic missile testing, but agreeing on how to limit their use may help countries manage fears of strategic instability.
The relationship between China and the EU has grown closer over the past forty years as the two sides complement existing economic cooperation with joint efforts in diplomacy and security.
Deepening nuclear tensions between the United States and Russia may be undermining stability at the conventional level, a trend that could negatively affect China’s security environment as well.
Despite the potentially destabilizing nature of hypersonic missiles, a test ban seems unlikely due to both political and technical challenges.
China established the National Security Commission to help top leaders coordinate the country’s national security policy in a world of increasingly complex security challenges.
China’s efforts to invest in Latin American infrastructure must take into account the challenges posed by political risk and China’s limited cultural understanding of the region.
Chinese state-owned enterprises distort traditional price mechanisms to maximize profits, a practice that hinders economic efficiency and inflates GDP figures.
Chinese investment in Latin American infrastructure will be more successful if China asks partnering countries what they want and need from such projects.
Burgeoning research into hypersonic missile systems may disrupt a delicate strategic balance between the nuclear states. Yet due to diplomatic and regulatory barriers, a global ban seems unlikely.
China continues to view Venezuela as a key source of oil, but Beijing has also been strengthening its private and public energy partnerships with other Latin American countries.
The U.S.-China joint climate statement that was announced last November is a first step toward addressing climate change, but success will depend on further global collaboration.
The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank is an opportunity for China and the EU to achieve win-win cooperation in the years ahead.