China’s aid and investment model in conflict-ridden zones has aroused debate about a possible “China Model” and its implications for social and political stability in unstable countries.
U.S. Ambassador to China, Gary Locke, makes the case that finance and trade are two of the most important components of the U.S.-China dynamic and what must be done by both sides to make progress in these areas.
Paul Haenle moderated a discussion on the key issues that should be raised during this year’s Strategic and Economic Dialogue.
In this Q&A Matt Ferchen states that Beijing faces a real challenge in determining how to put both the economic and political China-Latin America relationship on more sustainable, longer-term footing.
In this op-ed, Kevin Jianjun Tu makes the case that Chinese National Oil Companies, while owned by the government, increasingly base investment decisions on market signals rather than state orders.
With the death of Kim Jong-Il, global attention has intensified on North Korea and the Six Party Talks, which have been halted since April 2009. Paul Haenle and Lora Saalman discussed these issues with a panel of U.S. and Chinese experts.
The double-veto by Russia and China on the Syria crisis has resulted in international outcry and condemnation. In this op-ed, Yan Xuetong elaborates on the reasons behind China’s veto, and explains China’s perception of the international system more broadly.
The Carnegie–Tsinghua Center, through its partnership with Tsinghua University, brings together top experts from China and the international community to engage in collaborative dialogue and research in order to identify constructive solutions to today’s common global challenges.
Established in 1911, Tsinghua University is one of China’s premier universities and celebrated its centennial in 2011. Tsinghua University is the alma mater of many of China’s top leaders including President Hu Jintao and Vice President Xi Jinping. Carnegie is partnered with Tsinghua University’s Department of International Relations.
China and Russia have a nuanced and complex relationship, particularly when it comes to nuclear deterrence and arms control.
China's diplomatic reforms have not been as prominent as in other sectors over the last three decades of reform and opening-up. Carnegie's Yan Xuetong and a number of other prominent Chinese foreign policy experts debate the steps China must take to develop a foreign policy appropriate for the evolving global order.
Lora Saalman states that debate in China on Iran’s nuclear program continues to focus on uranium enrichment at the expense of other key aspects that could give a better indication of the broader program’s progress and outcomes.
Dmitri Trenin, Charles Grant and Tomas Valasek make the case that despite common views on international affairs and economic interests, the Russian-Chinese relationship is weak—even in the sphere of energy trade—and needs to be strengthened.
Paul Haenle explains that although the United States and China benefit from deep economic and trade ties, the military-to-military relationship between the two nations is not as strong as it should be.
There is a consensus in the international community that while Iran cannot currently build nuclear weapons, if left unregulated, it would eventually succeed in doing so.
Although the People's Liberation Army exerts relatively little influence over Chinese decision-making, it plays a somewhat larger role during crises, when senior leaders often rely on the military for intelligence and implementation.
As armed clashes last weekend show, north Lebanon is becoming a growing support base for the Syrian revolution. Sunni mobilization in support of the uprising in Syria is mounting and the Lebanese government is losing its ability to maintain its policy of neutrality.
Putin has returned to the Kremlin, but he faces a significantly different Russia, because the country's situation has changed drastically. The previous Putin’s consensus between those in power and society has fallen apart.
Relations between Ukraine and the EU have reached their lowest point yet. It could be time for the EU to come up with a new plan.
Using car ownership as a proxy for purchasing power indicates that the global middle class is about 50 percent larger than typically assumed, with important implications for geopolitics and economics.
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